Gaza is like Gen Z’s Vietnam, so why are we surprised?

Haneen Elmeswari

Since October we’ve watched a genocide in Gaza rapidly unfold. We are not the first generation to live through a genocide, but we are the first to experience it differently. We don’t just hear the stories of mass displacement from a third party; we’re witnessing it directly from the victims themselves. 

 We watch young Palestinians, journalists like Bisan Owda and Motaz Azaiza, pick up their phones and show us the wreckage that was once thriving communities. This genocide has been digitalized in a way that has never been done before.

When we look at how activism has changed over time, it's clear that exposure to violence has influenced generations' perspectives, especially with easy access to real-time media.

Ellen Cohen, a native New Yorker who was a young mother and midwife during the Vietnam War, reflects on the evolving nature of activism. “This was the first time that a war was shown on television and people could see what was happening rather than a spin-off that the pro-war press and politicians put on it,” she says. 

Although not a student then, Cohen was heavily involved in anti-war activism. She was involved in helping veterans form a union within the military, not just for more benefits, but to resist the idea of being ordered into an illegal war. 

Cohen didn’t just advocate against the Vietnam War but against the two wars in Iraq and even the destabilization of Libya at America’s hands. However, the repercussions of being an activist now are harsher than ever. 

“The penalties for protesting were not as bad as they are now. The level of surveillance and repression is much higher. That's due to technological changes. It's also because the educational system is much more militarized now,” says Cohen.

While social media often receives criticism for spreading misinformation rapidly, it plays a crucial role when it comes to Gaza. Through social media, many young people have witnessed the events in Gaza firsthand, shared by Palestinians themselves.

Bisan Owda, born and raised in the Gaza Strip, gained an audience of millions by documenting her family's displacement and hardship while living under this conflict. There is no way for a major media outlet to skew that. It's a raw experience delivered straight to its intended audience.  

For many young minorities, this is not the first time they’re aware of a genocide in which America is either complicit or actively engaging. They have heard the stories of their elders who were once refugees, fleeing political unrest in their home nations. 

Mir, A student at the Fashion Institute of Technology and member of Students for Justice in Palestine—who prefers to be called by only their first name due to privacy—is a Bangladeshi American. They bravely share their father's story of survival during the genocide that claimed over 3 million Bangladeshis during the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971.

Despite reports of widespread human rights abuses and atrocities committed by the Pakistani military in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh), the U.S. continued to provide military and economic assistance to Pakistan during the conflict. This assistance included the supply of weapons and military equipment.

Mir expresses frustration witnessing parallel events unfolding in Gaza. "Why are we letting this happen again? There needs to be light shed on it. Why did people ignore Richard Nixon and his brutality towards my people?" they say.

Mir talks about their pro-Palestinian speech being suppressed in their places of education since the 2021 Israel-Palestinian crisis, where 256 Palestinians were killed. Now, they find that their speech isn’t directly suppressed but, instead, met with brutality. 

During a protest they attended in March at Union Square, they say, “[The police] have this tactic where they bike alongside where we're walking to create a line. They try to push and squeeze through us on their bikes using all their force. I could see that it was just not needed.”  

When making arrests, they recount that cops would be forceful, throwing people to the ground and then surrounding the officer making the arrest, to stop onlookers from intervening, isolating the arrestee. Their story highlights the intense and aggressive nature of the encounter, and the response to bystanders trying to intervene in situations they perceive as unjust or excessive.

Another student from NYU, who also chose to stay anonymous for their safety, shares how it isn't the protesters creating an unsafe and high-tension environment on campus, but the presence of police. “The fact that it only became violent when the police showed up is very frustrating to see,” they say.

The student also shares how communication from the NYU administration has also played a part in fear-mongering, sending out emails determined to paint the encampment as a serious threat to safety. 

“The emails that we've been getting are skewed. I was there and it was not dangerous. I did not feel unsafe until the police showed up,” they say. “Were [the administration] even there? It doesn't seem like they were paying attention or have seen what's happening because of how they approach it.”

Whenever they walked by encampments, they were met with sights of students dancing and doing crafts. For many, it's finals week and that means hours of study, even from a tent. 

However, the significance of these encampments cannot be undermined. These are young people from prestigious institutions, willing to risk being arrested and suspended in protest of a war that does not directly affect their safety or autonomy, yet hoping to end Gaza’s suffering regardless. 

David Levinson Wilk, a professor at the Fashion Institute of Technology (FIT) and teaching a class in resistance and rebellion, says that however unsuccessful student protests have been in ending wars, they have been successful in changing curriculum, which can have a much more lasting impact than encampments.

“To talk about what happened at Columbia University in 1968, [the student protesters] didn't end the Vietnam War. What they did win was a reform to curriculum,” he says. Many schools after the protests started creating programs solely for the study of minority communities. “I always tell students you have more power over [the curriculum] than what happens in Gaza.” 

He suggests that while not impossible, divestment is very complicated, especially for a public university like FIT. However, he draws a comparison to the results of the Black Lives Matter (BLM) protests on FIT’s campus. Here students demanded curricular changes and the administration acted, even developing a Social Justice Center to address ​systemic problems faced by BIPOC youth.  

Wilk doesn’t say this to diminish the impact of protests, “When you create a movement like this,  It becomes an infrastructure that can be used for other purposes as well. One thing I've noticed about the encampment at FIT is that people are hanging out and talking,” he says. “They’re talking about Gaza, but they're talking about other issues also. Those relationships that are being built, can be used for all sorts of different protests or reform movements.”  

Nevertheless, as of May 8th, the FIT encampment was forcibly removed a few hours before midnight. All campers were arrested, and as students protested in support of their arrested comrades, police began to arrest people in the crowd. Videos surfaced of the NYPD throwing these students to the ground in some instances. 

According to global data from public relations and research firm Edelman, 70% of Gen Zers are engaged in a social or political cause. While not all of the 10,000 surveyed individuals identified as full-fledged activists, they remain deeply involved in social issues, advocating for causes through their consumer choices and career decisions. 

Gen Z is notably the most inclined generation to boycott products, companies, countries, or states based on political, social, or environmental principles, and this extends to their employers as well. Only one in five would consider working for a company that does not align with their values.

Even so, Wilk worries that Gen Z's passionate organizing may backfire, citing the Vietnam War era as an example. Despite the moral stance of student protesters, their actions may have prolonged the conflict rather than ending it swiftly.

Nicholas Chritoph, political commentator and journalist, writes for The New York Times, “Leftist activists in 1968 didn’t achieve their goal of electing the peace candidate Gene McCarthy; rather, the turmoil and more violent protests helped elect Richard Nixon, who pledged to restore order — and then dragged the war out and expanded it to Cambodia.”

Wilk agrees, “I see a similar dynamic playing out now, where a lot of students are doing things that are not creating a proper image in the public eye. That is going to do exactly the opposite of what the students want to happen,” referencing the taking over of school buildings. 

Yet, much of Gen Z’s activism is rooted in frustration. It's a hopeless feeling to open social media and see active, horrific suffering and feel helpless about it. It feels even worse to know that it’s your own tax dollars funding it. 

For Gen Z, facing repeated global problems filled with conflict and chaos makes them who they are. They have been shaped by the events of 9/11, the Great Recession, social media's rise, climate change awareness, mass shootings, the Black Lives Matter movement, and the COVID-19 pandemic.

​​As a child, witnessing these events without the ability to effect change has ignited a unique rage and determination within. Young people are often known for their engagement in activism, however, this generation has changed the way we do activism. 

Their unique circumstances have shaped their style of mobilization, their reach, and their passion. In this era where information is in the palm of your hand, in the form of a smartphone, they find it harder to turn their backs on what's wrong. 

For those wanting to support the humanitarian crisis in Gaza, here are aid organizations doing so: 

Anera is a nonprofit organization that provides humanitarian aid and development assistance to refugees and vulnerable communities in the Middle East, particularly in Palestine and Lebanon.

ActionAid is an international organization dedicated to fighting poverty and injustice around the world, with a focus on women's rights and empowerment.

Doctors without Borders/Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) is an international medical humanitarian organization that provides emergency medical care to people affected by conflict, epidemics, natural disasters, and exclusion from healthcare.

International Committee of the Red Cross is a humanitarian organization that provides assistance and protection for victims of armed conflict and other situations of violence. They also promote respect for international humanitarian law.

Middle East Children's Alliance (MECA) is a nonprofit organization dedicated to improving the lives of children in the Middle East through humanitarian aid, education, and community development programs.

Palestine Children's Relief Fund (PCRF) is a humanitarian organization that provides medical care and humanitarian assistance to children in the Middle East, particularly in Palestine, who are affected by war, occupation, and poverty.

Save the Children is an international organization that works to improve the lives of children around the world through education, health care, protection from harm, and advocacy for their rights.

United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) is a United Nations agency that provides humanitarian and developmental assistance to children and mothers in developing countries. Their work focuses on health care, nutrition, education, and protection from violence and exploitation.